INTERNATIONAL POTATO CENTER: WORLD POTATO ATLAS
BOLIVIA
HISTORY AND OVERVIEW
The potato originated in the Andes, centered within an area that includes part of contemporary Bolivia, where it remains the country's most essential food crop. Many wild varieties (approximately 200 currently identified) still survive in this region, with a high concentration in the Andes of southern Peru, across an arc extending to southwestern Bolivia and northern Argentina. In Bolivia, this area is roughly consistent with the current concentration of potato cultivation, characterized by the high plains of the Altiplano and inter-Andean valleys. In addition to Solanum tuberosum, six other taxa of potato are cultivated only in the Andes. S. tuberosum subsp. andigena is the most commonly grown taxon in Bolivia, as elsewhere in the Andes (Hijmans and Spooner 2001).
Potatoes are produced on approximately 130,000 hectares of land (FAOSTAT) by over 200,000 farmers (Bentley and Vasques 1998, [p.1]), of whom approximately eighty percent cultivate less than one hectare of potato each year. In Bolivia, the potato is primarily a crop of smallholders, even more so than Peru or Ecuador (FAOSTAT). About half grow potatoes exclusively for household consumption, and only an estimated fifteen percent grow potatoes primarily for sale (Terrazas et. al. 1996, p. 2).
According to data reported by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and presented below, potato production in Bolivia over the past several decades has overall remained fairly consistent in terms of both area cultivated and average yields. As is often the case in the Andes, an exception to trends over time must be made for El Niño years, most recently 1984 and 1998, which caused severe drought and losses in areas where potato is a major crop (NDMC). Average yields are variable by region and input levels, from the low-input cultivation by independent farming households characteristic of the Altiplano to the more commercialized agricultural holdings of the Santa Cruz Valleys in the southeast.
National production trends are summarized graphically below.
About these graphs
Consistent with the South America region, Bolivia is becoming more urbanized. From 1975 to 2002, the urban population grew from approximately 41 to almost 63 percent (UNDP). However, Bolivia still has the proportionately largest rural population of the region, as well as the highest percentage of people living in poverty, which can be as high as ninety percent in rural areas (Bojanic 2001, p. 3).
The agricultural sector maintains a regionally relative high 15 percent contribution to gross domestic product and accounts for 35 percent of all (legal) exports, primarily lowland products such as soybeans, cotton, and sugar, as well as coffee from higher altitudes (Bojanic 2001, p. 3). The internal potato market faces a challenge from imported wheat and rice products (as commercial sale and contributions), which have grown tremendously over the past decade (FAOSTAT).
GEOGRAPHY AND PRODUCTION ZONES
Physical Geography
In very general eco-geographical terms, Bolivia can be divided into three large regions, with approximate area by '000 square kilometers (Montes de Oca 1997):
- Altiplano, or high plain (246);
- Inter-Andean valleys (168);
- Tropical and subtropical lowlands (684).
Most potato cultivation takes place on the Altiplano and Andean valley regions. In a 1990s survey, the median elevation of potato cultivation was reported in the range of 3,000 to 3,500 meters above sea level (masl), with about one third of fields included in the sample at altitudes above 3,500 masl. Slopes of three percent to twenty percent are common, but approximately a third of the fields included in the sample were on slopes exceeding twenty percent (Terrazas et. al. 1996, p. 2).
The Altiplano and higher altitude valleys of Bolivia are part of what has been described as the "High Climatic Risk Andes," characterized by low rainfall and extreme climatic variability. Lower altitude inter-Andean valleys generally to the east are more typically part of the "Yellow Andes," with more adequate rainfall and less extreme climatic variation. The "Green Andes" of adequate rainfall and minimal climatic variability describes northern Peru and Ecuador, not generally to be found in Bolivia (Tapia 1993, cited in Hellin and Higman 2002, p. 3).
These distinctions should nevertheless be treated as very broad categories of limited use in understanding particular places, since the Andean region is very complex and locally variable. Across even short horizontal distances, differences in altitude, slope and aspect can result in a tremendous diversity of soils, drainage, solar exposure, diurnal temperature regimes, and evapotranspiration conditions. Zones where agriculture is feasible within a valley are often isolated from other agricultural zones of adjacent valleys by extensive areas of very high altitude (Brush et. al. 1994).
- Many maps of more specific classifications — for example by soil types, agro-ecological zones, and land use — are available from the European Digital Archive of Soil Maps, Bolivia.
Most images are digitized from paper maps, of variable clarity.
Production Zones
- A map of potato distribution in Bolivia can be found on the Country Maps page.
The Altiplano. Stretching 840 kilometers from Lake Titicaca to Bolivia's border with Argentina, the Altiplano is enclosed by two Andean chains, the Cordillera Occidental and the Cordillera Real. At altitudes varying from just over 3,000 to 4,310 masl, the Altiplano has been described as a "high, bleak, barren wind-swept tundra with the paradox of a tropical sun blazing through frigid air" (Osborne 1964, p. 9, cited in Benton 1999, p. 15). Indigenous settlers thousands of years ago apparently saw the region differently, as a place providing readily defensible sites, fertile volcanic soils in some areas, hillsides which could be sustainably productive if terraced, fewer constraints from diseases and pests than found in adjacent lowland sites, and an altitudinal range that would allow the production of a wide variety of crops (Benton 1999, p. 16). Many of those crops were - and are - tubers, including the potato.
Hijmans et. al. (2003) define the area of interest for potato production as the region defined by the catchments of Lake Titicaca, the Desaguadero River, Lake Poopó, and the Salt Lake of Coipasa to the south. This excludes the southernmost area of the Altiplano, an area which is arid, sparsely populated, and not significant for agriculture. Even within this area of interest, the great majority of potato cultivation occurs north of the Desaguadero River. Seventy-five percent of this region lies between 3,600 and 4,300 masl, and the remainder is higher.
Potato is by far the most important crop in this region, accounting for an estimated 63 percent of the gross value of crop production (OEA). Estimated potato yields are low, ranging from approximately 5.2 tons per hectare in the northern Altiplano of Bolivia (extending into southern Peru), to approximately 3.6 tons per hectare in the south. Potato production is consistent with precipitation, highest to the north in the vicinity of Lake Titicaca, where average annual precipitation is around 800 millimeters, lowest in the southwest approaching the vicinity of the Salt Lake of Coipasa, at around 200 millimeters. The climate is not only generally limiting, but annually variable; potato cultivation is risky due to climatic factors such as drought, hail, and frost (Hijmans et. al. 2003).
Inter-Andean Valleys. Also called "Subpuna" (Ochoa 1975, p. 20), this area lies east of the Cordillera Central at altitudes below the main level of the Altiplano, also where Cochabamba and many of Bolivia's larger cities are located. Puna (also called jalka in Peru) is a term applied to an Andean eco-region of mid-altitudes and cool weather not subject to regular frost all year long, where potatoes and other tuber crops generally predominate (Brush 1977, pp. 8-13).
Some valleys suitable for potato cultivation are classified as yunga, translated from a Quechua term meaning "hot land" (ibid.), and/or from Aymara as "warm valley" (US LOC, chapter 26), the latter a generally more accurate description. In some treatments, the term is also reserved for an area at the northeastern flank of the Cordillera Real (ibid.). Yunga land can be among the most fertile in Bolivia, but lack of access due to poor transportation has limited its agricultural development. Yunga with predominate slopes facing the Amazon Basin, to the north and east, can be especially humid, with persistent fog and rain, due to warm moisture-laden winds. At higher altitudes (1,800 to 2,400 masl), yunga can be characterized by cloud forests, where the plant community includes many wild potato species (Ochoa 1975, p. 20).
Santa Cruz Valleys. Potato cultivation in the valleys of Santa Cruz, located in the Department of Santa Cruz in the southeast, usually takes place at an altitude below 2,000 masl. Potato production, and agriculture in general, is a much more recent development here, the result of infrastructural improvements, land tenure reform, and colonization beginning in the 1950s (US LOC, chapter 26). This area is the most agriculturally commercialized, better known for its production of sugar, cotton, rice, and oilseeds. However, approximately 65,000 smallholder farmers grow potatoes for subsistence and commercial sale (CABI).
PRODUCTION SYSTEMS AND CONSTRAINTS
A Note on Production Data
Potato production data (in Bolivia and elsewhere in the Andes) should be treated with caution, as potato productivity can be defined in various ways. An extensive multi-year survey undertaken in the early 1990s reported a nation-wide sample mean of 10.5 tons per hectare, higher average yields than reported by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). FAO data are also well below estimates derived from remote sensing via satellite (Montes de Oca 1997, cited in Bentley and Vasques 1998, p. 3). However, the most frequently reported yield estimates from the 1990s survey were very similar to the FAO data, which probably stand as a fair estimate of yields typical for smallholders in Bolivia using low levels of chemical inputs.
"Tons per hectare" is not, however, the only way to measure productivity, for several reasons:
- Andean potato farmers usually plan more in terms of production per unit of seed tuber planted, not tons produced per hectare of land, especially where seed tubers represent a high proportion of total production costs (as in Bolivia). Assuming an average of 1.5 tons per hectare of seed tubers, a yield of 10.5 tons would be consistent with a multiplication ratio of 1:7, which is very low by global standards, but mid-range to the ratios reported by Bolivian farmers (Terrazas et. al. 1996, p. 2);
- Production data relative to land are also complicated by the fact that some farmers in Bolivia, especially at higher altitudes, achieve higher yields cultivating potatoes after extensive fallow periods. A high yield relative to land area for a given year might therefore obscure a low average yield over a longer period of time;
- Farmers might report yields only of potatoes of suitable quality, not counting, for example, those which cannot be sold due to visible damage by potato weevils.
The Agricultural Calendar
The growing season in the Altiplano generally extends between October and March, when annual maximum temperatures coincide with the rainy season. However, typical of the Andes in general, frost can occur mid-season, unlike temperate regions where frost is far more likely at the beginning and end of a cropping season (Hijmans et. al. 2003). For Bolivia in general, the main harvest, or siembra grande, takes place in March, April and May, of potatoes sown at the beginning of the rainy season (Terrazas et. al. 1996, p. 1).
Farmers in the Altiplano have traditionally been guided in the timing of their potato cultivation by celestial observations. Every year during the festival of San Juan in late June, coinciding with the southern winter solstice, farmers observe the visibility of the Pleiades, a cluster of stars within the Taurus constellation. If the Pleiades appear especially radiant with all stars easily counted, farmers can expect plentiful rainfall four months later and a good harvest of potatoes planted later in the season. If the Pleiades appear faint, little rain can be expected later in the season and early planting is essential. What might seem to be an anthropological curiosity has been supported by further scientific investigation. Poor visibility of the Pleiades in June, caused by cirrus clouds at high altitudes which are not readily seen but can affect starlight perception, is an indicator of an El Niño year, which in this region is usually linked to reduced rainfall several months later (Orlove et. al. 2000).
In the higher altitude Andean areas, the agricultural calendar can involve operations completed over several years in a given field, and often includes multiple crops and fallow periods, described in greater detail in the "Fallows and Crop Rotations" section below.
Potato farmers in the Santa Cruz Valley who have access to irrigation can produce mishka (early season potatoes) harvested in December or January to complement the main crops from the highland areas. Some farmers produce two potato crops annually on one to two hectares of land (Bentley and Velasquez 1998, p. 1).
Land Tenure and Distribution
Prior to the 1952 National Revolution and subsequent agrarian reform, Bolivia's land distribution was the most inegalitarian in Latin America. Over eighty percent of potentially productive land was possessed by four percent of landowners (US LOC, chapter 52), and over ninety percent of all cultivated land was under a semifeudal system, dominated by large estates (Bolivia National Statistics and Census Office, cited in Benton 1999, [p.43]).
Nearly fifty percent of this land was redistributed within two years of the reform, but disparities in land holdings persist, especially across regions. Farm holdings in the Altiplano and valleys, worked by nearly eighty percent of Bolivia's farmers and the regions where most potatoes are grown, are typically one to three hectares in size. Farm cooperatives or some degree of corporate community land control and management is common, primarily via sindicatos (unions) that were established in many rural communities primarily as organizations to provide a means for people to gain access to land (Bebbington 1998, p. 175). However, in the lowlands to the east, only about sixteen percent of farms are of five hectares or less. Commercial agricultural landholdings can exceed 5,000 hectares in Santa Cruz (US LOC chapter 52).
Cropping Patterns and Fertility Management
Fallows and Crop Rotations. Fallow cycles have been essential to agriculture in this region for many years, especially in the higher altitude Andes. Fields are usually cultivated successively for a few years and then left fallow for several years or even decades, during which time they are used for animal grazing. Under normal weather conditions, potato yields of fifteen tons per hectare have been reported in long-term fallow systems (INE, cited by Pestalozzi 2000, p. 65).
An example of a high-altitude fallow system has been described for a site near Cochabamba at altitudes ranging from 4,000 to 4,500 masl, the upper limit of agriculture in this region. The local climate is on the threshold of semiarid, with a summer rainy season from November to March providing approximately 400 millimeters precipitation. Frost is normally limited to approximately 100 days during the dry winter, from April to October, but is locally variable (Pestalozzi 2000, p. 65).
The fallow system is managed by sectors (Aynokas in Aymara), each containing hundreds of fields separated by natural vegetation, but only the fields in three sectors (usually adjacent) are cultivated simultaneously. Fields in a newly cultivated sector are tilled toward the end of the rainy season, and the first crop, potato, is sown at the beginning of the following rainy season. As noted in further detail below, potato varietal diversity is very high in the "high climatic risk" Andes, such as this area. Forty varieties of five different species have been identified in this region (Saravia 1997, cited in Pestalozzi 2000, pp. 66-67). In the second farming year, barley, oats, or quinoa are grown. In the third year, only barley is grown. Thereafter, fields lie fallow typically for nine years, during which time they are used for grazing and recovery of natural vegetation (Pestalozzi 2000, pp. 66-67).
The recovery of soil fertility during this long fallow period depends ultimately on the increasing biomass of vegetation. Species common to Andean meadows are typically hemicryptophytic, with a below-ground biomass made up primarily of fine roots which decompose rapidly once the fields have again been tilled, thereby providing nutrients for the initial potato crop and other rotations which follow. Farmers in this area have been using limited quantities of commercial inorganic fertilizer, in addition to animal manure, roughly since the mid-1980s. The researchers of this study noted that the amounts of fertilizer applied to crops correlated very well with the nutritional status of the immediate area, as determined by vegetative biomass (ibid.).
The production survey of the early 1990s (Terrazas et. al. 1996) supported conventional wisdom that fallowing is a common practice of Bolivian potato culture, although the longer duration described above is typical of higher altitudes, not the country as a whole. Fallowing land three or more years before planting potatoes was reported for over a third of sampled fields. Potato monocropping, defined here as three consecutive potato crops, is rare. Potato is generally the first crop to be cultivated following a period of fallow.
Fallows and crop rotations are dependent not only on agricultural management decisions, but also reflect the availability of labor. In Bolivia and many other countries, rural people whose livelihoods are "sub-subsistence," [i.e] not self-sustaining through a combination of subsistence production and income from commercial sale, can be forced to work off-farm to supplement agricultural income. In Bolivia, some farmers seasonally or temporarily migrate for the harvests of commercial crops (such as cotton, sugar cane, soy and grape) in the eastern lowlands, and even to Argentina. Rural out-migration can have a major impact on cropping patterns. Quinoa, for example, is a very nutritious crop which has traditionally been a part of potato rotational systems throughout much of the Andes. But the harvest and very labor-intensive processing of quinoa often coincide with off-farm employment opportunities, contributing to the reduction of the crop in some areas and a disruption of rotational patterns (Hellin and Higman 2002, p. 6).
Erosion Control and Soil Treatments. Erosion is a serious challenge for agriculture in the Andes, where slopes can be very steep. Farmers often cultivate along contour lines or construct stone bunds to control erosion. More substantial and labor-intensive stone-faced terraces, although sometimes promoted by external agencies, are not a common practice. Instead, in many Andean areas of Bolivia, it is common to see plots demarcated by lines of stones, with piles scattered in each plot. Removing and consolidating stones from the surface (a process referred to as "habilitation" of land) is a major demand on labor, as stones might cover over half the surface of a parcel. Stones not only limit the area of productive land, but are a constraint to plowing, especially if oxen are used. (Oxen usually stop when a plow strikes a large stone.) Stones are consolidated into piles or bunds, and the process is repeated as needed in subsequent years as, to quote a farmer, "every year the stones keep appearing because the rain takes the soil" (Clark et. al. 1999, p. 236). Boundary bunds are fairly effective at controlling erosion, given the labor constraints typical of rural Bolivia. A study undertaken at a site in the Tiraque Province near Cochabamba, at an altitude over 3,430 masl, estimated that stone bunds retained 40 to 88 tons of sediment per hectare annually, with a net loss of sediment ranging from 38 to 124 tons per hectare on land under cultivation (ibid., p. 238).
According to the potato production surveys noted above, nine of ten potato fields in Bolivia are fertilized with manure, primarily from sheep. A majority (approximately 63 percent) of farmers reported using inorganic fertilizer, usually in the form of NPK 18-46-0, or urea. Application rates varied, but were generally minimal, rarely more than a few bags per field (Terrazas et. al. 1996).
The Constraint of Frost. For Solanum tuberosum, subsp. andigena, the most commonly grown potato in Bolivia and elsewhere in the Andes, frost damage is likely to occur when the temperature drops to -2º C or lower (Hijmans et. al. 2003). With the exception of S. ajanhuiri, more frost-tolerant potatoes are generally "bitter" varieties with higher levels of glycoalkaloids which must be processed prior to consumption (described in greater detail in the "Varieties" section).
The hazard of frost can be minimized by various cultural practices, such as cultivating on slopes, where the incidence of frost is less than on valley floors, or growing potatoes in raised beds. However, the most effective measure to minimize frost damage lies in the development of potato cultivars with increased resistance to frost. Hijmans et. al. (2003), using a slightly modified version of the potato growth simulation model LINTUL (Spitters 1987; Stol et. al. 1991) applied to the potato variety "Gendarme" and climatic data from the potato production area of the Altiplano region, projected a significant potential increase in potato production even if frost resistance were increased by only 1º C. The authors added that responses of farmers to such varieties (considering many other factors) would of course be very important, and remain unknown. However, in the Altiplano, where land is readily available, farmers might well be able to take advantage of greater frost tolerance by increasing production in currently used zones with a greater degree of security, without a shift to new, colder areas.
Occurrence and Control of Potato Diseases and Pests
This list is not complete, but includes several diseases and pests known to be serious constraints to potato cultivation in Bolivia. For more technically specific information (though not usually specific to Bolivia), please refer to the relevant sites included in:
Late Blight (LB). This disease is caused by the oomycete pathogen (Phytophthora infestans) and is one of the most serious biological constraints to potato production in Bolivia, and worldwide. LB is particularly severe in areas of cool moist climate, especially under conditions of nearly continuous cultivation where spores of P. infestans are always present as inoculum.
- More information is available from the Global Initiative on Late Blight (GILB) Bolivia Profile.
Black Scurf (Rhizoctonia solani). This is a fungus that attacks tubers, underground stems, and stolons of potato plants, especially in cool, damp soils. Although black scurf generally does not damage the tuber, it can be a cosmetic problem, with potentially serious consequences for farmers growing potatoes for markets where a clean and healthy looking appearance is important (G. Forbes, personal communication).
Viral Diseases. Viral infection of potatoes can be transmitted via seed tubers, causing a gradual deterioration and loss of yield over several seasons. However, the process occurs more slowly at higher altitudes, above 2,000 to 3,000 masl.
Viruses which have been reported in Bolivia include:
- PVV (genus Potyvirus): In the majority of potato cultivars, symptoms are minor, but in some varieties PVV infection can cause necrotic spotting on lower leaves, in some cases more severe systemic necrosis and leaf dropping, transmitted non-persistently by aphids Macrosiphum euphorbiae and Myzus persicae, and mechanically by plant sap (Khurana and Garg 2003).
- PYV (Potato yellowing virus, genus Alfamovirus): This virus, widespread in Bolivia, Chile, and Peru, causes mosaic, yellowing, and premature senescence of potato plants, though some infections do not cause perceptible symptoms. It is transmitted by an aphid, Myzus persicae (ibid.);
- PVT (Potato T Trichovirus): Infection is usually without symptoms, but the virus can induce mild leaf mottling. It can be transmitted by mechanical inoculation or grafting, but not by aphids Macrosiphum euphorbiae or Myzus persicae (Salazar and Harrison);
- APLV (Andean Potato Latent Tymovirus): Despite its innocuous-sounding name, this virus can cause serious symptoms, such as leaf-tip necrosis and severe mosaic. A wide diurnal temperature range (typical for most of Bolivia) seems to favor the expression of symptoms (EPPO).
Bacterial Wilt. A soil-borne disease which can lead to the complete loss of a crop, bacterial wilt is not reported in the Andes at higher altitudes (above approximately 2,800 masl). The disease could pose a threat to potato crops in the Santa Cruz Valleys, but has not yet been reported.
Andean Weevil. This insect pest (Premnotrypes spp.) can be a serious biological constraint to potato production, especially at higher altitudes (above approximately 2,800 masl) in Bolivia and elsewhere in the Andes. Adult weevils, flightless and inconspicuous, enter potato parcels from adjacent fields and lay their eggs at the base of potato plants. At this point they are most susceptible to insecticides. However, if farmers do not fully understand the life cycle of the weevil, they are likely to wait until the white larva are visible in the dark soil before taking action. Weevil populations are likely to increase under continuous potato cultivation, as they remain in tubers not removed from harvests. Crop rotation, including pasture, therefore remains an important control measure (Crissman, Espinosa et. al. 1998, pp. 104-105).
The Andean weevil has few natural enemies present in potato plots, which challenges the potential for Integrated Pest Management (IPM) strategies. However, some IPM methods have been attempted, for example in Ecuador where farmers are using traps in which potato foliage treated with an insecticide of reduced toxicity is used as a bait for the adult weevils (G. Thiele, personal communication).
Pesticide Use. CAB International reports that farmers in the Santa Cruz area have been using increasing amounts of pesticides, resulting in water contamination and health problems in the local population (CABI). However, little information is yet available on this topic.
VARIETIES AND SEED SYSTEMS
Varieties
Seven species of potato are currently grown in the Andes, including Solanum tuberosum and six other cultivated species exclusive to the region. Four ploidy levels have been identified, from 2n = 24 to 2n = 60. The tetraploid S. tuberosum ssp. andigena is by far the most common, accounting for more than two thirds of cultivated potatoes (ibid.). Natural hybridization between cultivated and wild species has rarely been reported, in part because of the common practice of abandoning fields after one year of cultivation (Brush et. al. 1994, p. 1190). Wild Andean species have, however, been utilized for artificial crosses (Hawkes and Hjerting 1989).
The many varieties of potatoes currently cultivated in Bolivia can very generally be distinguished as (Thiele 1998, p. 87):
- "Improved varieties," produced and distributed by breeding programs, usually incorporating specific traits, such as resistance to particular disease(s);
- Commercial native varieties, not obtained via the formal system, but intended for markets;
- Non-commercial native varieties, grown for local consumption.
Hundreds of native varieties of potatoes are found in Bolivia, of which thirty to forty are widely grown (Thiele 1998, p. 86). This high reliance on native varieties is consistent with Bolivia's geography, as improved varieties are generally in greater demand where rainfall is adequate and climatic risk is lower, [e.g] in the "Green Andes" of northern Peru and Ecuador. In these regions, area sown to improved varieties might be as high as eighty percent, somewhat lower (around sixty percent) in the "Yellow Andes" of south-central Peru (such as Cuzco), but much lower in the "high climatic risk" areas (especially the Altiplano) of Bolivia. Surveys of urban consumers in La Paz found that improved varieties accounted for less than five percent of household potato consumption (Espinosa 1996, cited in Thiele 1998, p. 85).
An additional variety, the "bitter potato" (Solanum x juzepczukii, Solanum x curtilobum), is cultivated at altitudes between 3,000 and 4,300 masl, typically on land also used for pasture, often under rotation with fodder crops such as barley or oats, followed by fallow periods of several years. The bitter potato tolerates frost far better than other potatoes due to a high concentration of glycoalkaloids, sufficient to make it toxic to humans in its natural state. Since frost is a serious constraint of potato cultivation in Bolivia, bitter potatoes are commonly grown. Hijmans (1999) estimated that bitter potatoes account for at least 25 percent of total area planted to potatoes in the Altiplano, consistent with previous estimates, of which approximately 60 percent are Solanum x juzepczukii, and 33 percent are Solanum x curtilobum (Canahua and Aguilar 1992; Huanco 1992). Bitter potato genes have been used more for the improvement of other potato varieties than for programs directed toward the bitter potato itself (Arbizu and Tapia 1994).
To process the bitter potato into an edible product, Andeans living in cold climatic environments have for many centuries prepared chuño. The potatoes are spread on the ground and allowed to freeze overnight, then stomped while still frozen the following morning. The resulting pulp is dried in the intense mid-day sun under a layer of straw. This process is repeated daily for approximately two weeks, and the product is further dehydrated, resulting in black chuño. Additional washing, and some additional days processing, can result in white chuño. It is used in stews or eaten like bread and can be stored for up to ten years (Arbizu and Tapia 1994).
Chuño production requires not only cold temperatures, but also an extreme diurnal temperature range which is very characteristic of the Bolivian Andes, but not the "Green Andes" farther north. As such, chuño represents a climatic challenge which people have not only endured but transformed into a creative force. This process of preservation via freeze-drying has been used for many other substances, including meat; the English term "jerky" is derived from the Quechua ch'arki. (Encyclopedia Britannica). Freeze-dried foods such as chuño provided the means for the Inca empire to maintain extensive stores of food for long periods of time as insurance against famine and to sustain armies in the field.
- For a description of bitter potato and several other Andean tubers -- oca, mashwa, and ulluca (also known as papalisa) -- please see Andean Tubers, by C. Arbizu and M. Tapia of CIP.
- The INCOPA Newsletter Rescuing an Ancestral Flavor contains more information about the preparation of white chuño.
Genetic Erosion
Genetic erosion in crops is the "loss of variability from crop populations...[referring to] heterogeneity of alleles and genotypes with their attendant morphotypes and phenotypes" (Brush/ FAO). Genetic erosion, first recognized by botanical explorers [H.V] Harlan and M. L. Martini in 1936, can occur due to several factors, among them the displacement of endemic wild species and/or cultivars, possibly to the point of extinction, by newly introduced varieties. That potential is typically greatest where farmers are producing potatoes for commercial markets and are faced with pressure to conform to specific qualitative standards and to deliver a more generic, less variable potato.
This issue has been studied in greater depth in Peru, where the adoption of improved varieties is generally higher than in Bolivia, with the likely exception of the Santa Cruz Valleys. (Please refer to the "Modernization and Diversity" section of the Peru chapter of the atlas for more on this topic.) However, a report by C. Ochoa on a potato collecting mission in Chile, Peru, and Bolivia confirmed previous reports of declines in the number of potato landraces observed (Ochoa, 1975, cited in Brush/FAO).
The "Informal" Seed System
A "seed system" is broadly defined as "an interrelated set of components including breeding, management, replacement and distribution of seed." (Thiele 1998, p. 84). Most tuber seed used in Bolivia, as elsewhere in the Andes, has been produced and distributed by farmers themselves (the informal system), but individual farm households are not usually self-sufficient for a long period of time. Farmers need seed tubers from an external source, at least occasionally, for several reasons, such as:
- To replace tubers lost to severe disease or other acute emergency;
- To replace tubers gradually losing their yield potential, [e.g] due to viral infection;
- To obtain new varieties (Tripp 1997, cited in Bentley and Velasques 1998, p. 1).
Farmers generally do not maintain a specialized plot for the production of seed, but rather they separate part of the main harvest for this purpose. Classifying tubers at harvest is often a responsibility of women, who play a central role in the management of seed tubers. In a study involving four communities near Cochabamba, people were asked whose primary responsibility it is to determine which variety of potato to seed each year. When the question was asked in reference to each of 26 varieties, in most cases the decision was made jointly by wives and husbands, but in some cases, wives exclusively had selected the respective variety. In no cases were husbands singularly responsible for the choice of a variety (Iriarte et. al. 1999). The reason(s) for preferring one variety to another were not indicated, and may be a subject of further investigation.
Exchange networks of potato seed tubers can be very complex in Bolivia. The flow begins at higher altitudes where tuber seed is usually of higher quality since degeneration, from viral or other disease or pest infestation, occurs much more slowly. A farmer with a local reputation for producing high quality seed tubers might sell on or near the farm in order to retain a "neighborhood certification" for quality, which can demand a higher price (Thiele 1998, p. 87). Farmers at intermediate altitudes often acquire seed from these higher altitude sources, which they use for the production of ware potatoes (for consumption) and multiply for their own subsequent use as seed. Farmers at lower altitudes, where seed degenerates more quickly, might depend entirely on seed from higher altitude producers. The system must operate with precision, since it depends on dovetailing production periods across regions (ibid.), particularly challenging in a large country with a low population density. Villages in Bolivia are often dozens of kilometers apart, and separated from cities by hundreds of kilometers.
Over long distances, the reputation of specialist traders known for the quality of their product might replace the "neighborhood certification" of a local farmer (Thiele, op. cit.). However, at least two varieties of merchants participate in the informal system: camioneros (truckers) who have large-volume vehicles; and rescatistas (salvagers) who deal in smaller volumes. Improved roads and a greater volume of trucking since the 1950s and 1960s have increased the volume of purchased (however "informal") seed (Bentley and Vasques 1998, p. 2).
The "Formal" Seed System
The formal system refers to seed tubers produced and distributed by state-sponsored institutions (possibly with some involvement of the private sector and/or non-government organizations). Seed from the formal sector has generally been subject to an inspection process intended to assure that the seed is of the variety claimed, with low incidence of disease or pest infestation, and otherwise viable. Such seed is often referred to as "certified seed," although the precise definition of this term is locally variable. In Bolivia, certified seed from the formal sector accounts for about two percent of total demand, most of which is used by farmers with medium holdings in the Santa Cruz Valley (Thiele 1998, p. 84).
Since 1989, the organization with the primary responsibility for the development of new potato varieties in Bolivia has been PROINPA, operating with financial assistance from the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), and affiliation with CIP and the World Bank. PROINPA offers limited quantities of new varieties and provides other services, such as "cleaning" ([i.e] of viral infection) existing varieties. PROINPA provides seed to PROSEMPA, a seed multiplication service, for release and multiplication via farm groups. Another organization active in the formal system of Bolivia is SEPA, a seed production enterprise attempting to become an independent commercial firm.
Although in quantitative terms the role of the formal system is minor, the tuber seed it provides can ultimately be significant in terms of yield improvement, depending on area and variety. To the extent that seed is retained, any benefit can accrue for several years after initial release (Brown and Scheidegger 1995, p. 5). For a small-scale farmer in Bolivia, the most rational use of seed from the formal sector is generally to acquire a small quantity (especially if the interest is in a new variety) and multiply it for subsequent production (Thiele 1998, p. 90).
- PROINPA has taken the lead to develop and promote "rustic seedbeds," built from local materials to better protect seed of newly introduced varieties. For a description of the initiative, including designs and budgets, please see Rustic Seedbeds.
The potential benefit of the formal system to potato farmers, to introduce improved and/or new varieties of tuber seed, is a difficult challenge in Bolivia given the typically long transport distances and isolation of most potato farmers. Some seed producer groups are adjusting to these constraints by buying "pre-basic" mini-tubers from PROINPA or SEPA and rearing "basic seed," from which "certified seed" is produced. (These terms describe stages in the process of creating high quality material of a given variety free of disease and pest infestation.) Production is undertaken in protected seed beds, which if properly managed can yield fifty kilograms of basic seed from one kilogram of pre-basic
CONSUMPTION, STORAGE, AND MARKETING
Consumption
Based on 2002-2004 averaged data, potato consumption in Bolivia is approximately 91 kilograms per person annually, or 0.25 kilograms (slightly over one half-pound) per day (FAOSTAT). However, this average obscures the tremendous variance of potato consumption between rural and urban Bolivians. It is not unusual for rural peasants to consume about 250 kilograms per person annually. Stated otherwise, a family of eight might eat over eleven kilograms (or about 25 pounds) of potatoes in two days (Bentley and Vasques 1998, p. 1).
Storage
Storage of seed and ware (for consumption) potatoes is generally done in homes, not in specialized structures. Bentley and Vasquez (1998, p. 8) report that donors in the past have supported communal silos for potato storage, though these rarely last long before they are taken over by a single household or simply abandoned.
Marketing
Most commercial sale is of "commercial varieties" of fresh potatoes, although the Papa Andina project is working with farmers to develop other market niches, including markets for landraces and integration with agribusiness concerns that process potatoes into french fries.
- That effort is described in The Papa Andina Project: Adding Value to Local Knowledge and Biodiversity of Andean Potato Farmers, by G. Thiele and A. Devaux.
Bolivia neither imports nor exports significant quantities of potatoes (Scott and Maldonado 1998). However, as noted above, imports (including both commercial sale and contributions) of other agricultural products, such as wheat and rice, have provided strong competition to Bolivian potato farmers, especially in urban markets.
For a more detailed description of potato marketing generally relevant to Bolivia, please see the "Marketing" section of the Peru chapter.
Promoción e Investigación de Productos Andinos (PROINPA) is a non-profit organization oriented to promote technology innovation and the conservation, use, management, and development of genetic resources for the benefit of farmers and the nation as a whole.
Potato Seed Bolivia (SEPA) is an organization which aims to assure the continuous availability of quality seed potato in order to supply seed growers in the different agro-ecological zones.
CONTRIBUTORS
Kelly Theisen is the principal contributor to the revised (2006) Bolivia potato chapter, some sections based on the previous edition by [R.E] Rhoades, [R.J] Hijmans, and L. Huaccho.
Graham Thiele and Greg Forbes provided information and advice via personal communication.
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